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Success of Rann of Kutch and Operation Gibraltar
Then President of Pakistan Gen.
Ayub Khan, Army Chief Gen. Musa and Foreign Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had
laid their heads together on an important issue. They were discussing how
should India be brought to the talk table for solving the Kashmir issue?
Because Indian Prime Minister
Pundit Jowahar Lal Nehru and his successor Lal Bahadur Shastri were neither
willing to talk to Pakistan nor did they regard Kashmir as a dispute. Rather
the Indian government had declared Kashmir an integral part of India. Bhutto
believed in the use of force instead of talks to resolve this issue. He
advocated military action inside the territory of Kashmir occupied by India. Gen.
Musa somewhat got nervous when Bhutto talked of military solution of the
Kashmir issue.
Gen. Musa said Pak Army was not
ready for such offensive. So the matter should be delayed for a year or two. Gen.
Musa and Bhutto had apprised the President of their respective point of view. And
they were also pressing their stand before the President. Now the ball was in
the court of President Ayub as to what decision he should take. Because the
President was the final authority in the decision making on this issue. More
than Bhutto and Gen. Musa, President Ayub Khan trusted the military acumen of
another person. This man had also planned an excellent operation.
And he just wanted 10 weeks' time
to launch it. The Line of Control between Azad Kashmir and Indian Occupied
Kashmir was named Ceasefire Line in 1965. The 12-Division of the Pak Army was
deputed to defend this 470-mile long Ceasefire Line. India had deployed more
than three division army on the occupied territory in Kashmir. It meant the
numerical strength of Pakistan army was less than one third of the Indian army
in that part. Moreover, this entire force did not belong to the Pak Army as 80
percent were Azad soldiers.
At that time, Azad Kashmir had
its independent army that was called 'Azad Kashmir Regular Force.' This force
performed under the 12-Division. The Azad Force was also not trained up to the
standard of the regular Pak Army. But training was not the only matter. The
Azad Force was also not provided free of cost food and uniform by the
government. So the Jawans of this Force arranged these things by themselves. So
much so that the Jawans were not promoted to next step for years.
So this also resulted in the same what was expected. That morale of these Jawans began to decline and their command and control system loose. In the 60s the situation deteriorated to the extent that many Jawans had abandoned their posts without any order and settled down in the urban areas. These Jawans had no business except roaming around and wasting time. They did not bother that the enemy would occupy their abandoned posts as a matter of fact the same was happening.
Due to short strength, the
12-Division already had not set up posts at many places. And the soldiers were
withdrawing from the established posts. As a consequence, the Indian army
crossed the Ceasefire Line and began patrolling in Azad Kashmir. The Indian troops harassed and arrested the
Kashmiris, and took them back to their posts in occupied Kashmir. The Indians
also tried to use the arrested Kashmiris as their agents through greed and
threats.
The situation was also not good
where the posts were manned along with the Ceasefire Line in Azad Kashmir. Indian
shelling on Pakistani posts was common at that time as we were observing these
days. The Indian shelling made life of the people miserable and they were not
able even to come outdoors. The man and material losses caused by the Indian
shelling was also huge. The weakness of the 12-Division and lack of resources
had stemmed from defence doctrine of Pakistan.
After partition Pak Army had
devised the policy to defend the international border with India only. Since
Kashmir was a disputed territory on which the UN also had passed resolutions
and drawn the Ceasefire Line therefore this area was presumed safe after the
international guarantees. The new strategy framed for the armed forces in 1964,
also focused on the international border and little value was given to the
defence at the Ceasefire Line.
That was why Pak Army had spent
all resources on the international border and deployed only 12-Division at the
Ceasefire Line manned by the Azad Army. The lack of resources and demoralized
Jawans might have worsened the situation on the Ceasefire Line. But before that
could happen, command to the 12-Division was entrusted to a new officer. This
development suddenly changed the scene. This commander was Major Gen. Akhtar
Hussain Malik.
Gen. Akhtar Hussain Malik took
over the command on December 5, 1962 that rejuvenated the 12-Division. Before
Gen. Malik no attention was paid to the 12-Division by its commanders. Gen.
Malik proved a much energetic soldier. He portrayed a realistic picture of his
Jawans before the high-ups and demanded more funds for his Division. So the
Azad Force got the benefit of getting ration and uniform free of cost like
soldiers of the Pak army.
With the efforts of Gen. Malik
the Jawans also got better pay-scale and the promotions. This all boosted
morale of the Jawans and brought them back to the posts to defend the front
more dedicatedly. Despite untiring efforts of Gen. Malik a problem however
continued. That the shortage of soldiers had left many border areas without
posts. So the Indian army was infiltrating into that areas with ease. Gen.
Malik also sorted out this problem.
He put the Azad soldiers on patrolling in that areas and ordered them to attack the Indian intruders. This step scaled-down the Indian intrusion in Azad Kashmir. After these successes, Gen. Malik thought of going across the Ceasefire Line and attacking the enemy. So that India could be forced to solving the Kashmir dispute. Gen. Malik also got his like-minded in the government. And he was Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the Foreign Minister of Pakistan.
As Foreign Minister Bhutto too
had the Kashmir problem as the biggest challenge. Bhutto openly spoke about
liberating Kashmir from India to make the creation of Pakistan meaningful. Now
Bhutto along with Gen. Malik began to persuade Ayub Khan on a major action
across the Ceasefire Line. Gen. Ayub did not pay much attention to what Bhutto
and Gen. Malik said in the beginning. But it were unabated Indian steps on
Kashmir that aroused Ayub Khan's interest in military solution.
So he took a number of measures. Indian had been trying to make occupied Kashmir an integral part since the ceasefire in 1949. Indian PM Jawahar Lal Nehru backed out of his promise of holding a plebiscite that meant to let Kashmiris decide whether they want to be part of India or Pakistan. Receiving a signal, the pro-Indian government in Occupied Kashmir in the first instance endorsed the decision of Maharaja Hari Singh about Kashmir's accession to India.
Two years after Nehru took a
U-turn on referendum in Kashmir highlighting Pakistan's strategic partnership with
America that, he said, had changed security situation in the region. Nehru
dubbed Pakistan as America ally in the Cold War. India at that time, stood with
Russia. So India believed the regional situation would change if Kashmiris in
the referendum voted for Pakistan that the balance of power in the region would
go lopsided.
So Nehru thought referendum over Kashmir in this changed situation a futile exercise. On this ground Kashmir was formally annexed to India on January 26, 1957. Gen. Ayub was the commander-in-chief of the Pak Army in 1957 when this all was going on. And Sikandar Mirza was the President of Pakistan. When Ayub Khan took over the government in 1958, India stepped up the process of Kashmir’s' annexation. The instrument Maharaja Hari Singh had signed gave Kashmir the status of an independent state in India. The Indian government was responsible to provide for Kashmir's defence, communication and foreign affairs. The rest of the affairs were entrusted to the people of Kashmir.
But the Indian government went beyond that limits. By 1960, the jurisdiction of Indian Supreme Court was extended up to the Occupied Kashmir. This measure was contrary to the formula of accession of the state of Kashmir to India. The Indian Home Minister Gulzari Lal Nand told the Parliament on October 27, 1963 that Kashmir had been completely annexed to India. The Kashmiris opposed this decision as their exploitation which was not only political but it was generating the emotional problems also. The holy hair of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW) were stolen from the Shrine of Hazrat Ball in Sri Nagar. Wide scale protests were held across the part of Kashmir held by India.
In order to calm down the people,
Nehru set Sheikh Abdullah free from the 11-year long imprisonment. He was
arrested in 1953 after he defied the wish of Nehru and refused to annex Kashmir
to India. And he had insisted on the independent state of Kashmir. After Abdullah's
arrest Nehru had installed a government of his choice in Held Kashmir. This
government ratified the agreement of Kashmir's accession to India.
The release Sheikh Abdullah
failed to bring any breakthrough on Kashmir dispute. On the invitation of
President Ayub, Sheikh Abdullah also visited Pakistan. Sheikh Abdullah was
accorded a very warm welcome when he reached Rawalpindi in May 1964. Flowers
and rosewater were lavishly showered on him. It was a grand welcome but his
visit was without results. Abdullah also wanted Ayub Khan and Nehru to meet but
it could not be held.
Because Nehru died on May 27,
1964. Lal Bahadur Shastri replaced Nehru as new Prime Minister of India. Ayub
thought the new leadership in India would show sincerity in resolving the
Kashmir issue. So taking advantage of this opportunity, he invited PM Shastri
to Pakistan. PM Shastri came to Pakistan and meeting with President Ayub Khan,
he sought time to take up for resolving the major Kashmir issue by his newly
formed government.
Ayub Khan agreed to it. But Lal
Bahadur Shastri on return to India also took a U-turn. On December 21, 1964
India enforced Articles 356 and 357 of the Constitution on Kashmir. Article 356
provided the Indian President to dismiss a government in Kashmir. While Article
357 appointed Governor and Chief Minister through polls in Kashmir in place of
Chief of the State. Now Kashmir was no more a sovereign state but practically
became a subject state of India.
This step by the Shastri
government badly hurt the sentiments of Ayub Khan. Now Ayub Khan also
subscribed to the view of Gen. Malik and Bhutto to solve the Kashmir problem. That
was a forceful military action. When India formally made Kashmir its state,
Pakistan could also not sit silent. The Pakistani government ordered its strong
institution, Intelligence Bureau (IB), for launching armed actions at small
scale in Occupied Kashmir.
It meant only firing or cracker
explosions across the Ceasefire Line. Secondly a "Kashmir Cell" was
constituted to frame a policy on Kashmir. Secretary Foreign Affairs, Aziz Ahmad
was appointed head of this Cell. But meetings of the Cell were also attended by
Secretary Defence, the IB head, Chief of General Staff or the Director,
Military Operations the Cell was tasked to propose strict measures on Kashmir. Thirdly
Pakistan allowed the 12-Division to take more aggressive actions against India
on the Ceasefire Line.
That no Indian violation of the
Line should go unpunished. Every decision of the Pakistan government was
implemented. But India did not come under the pressure which Pakistan expected.
Rather India beefed up security in the Occupied Kashmir in response to small
scale actions of the IB. This made life of the people in Occupied Kashmir more
miserable and hard. Now political and the military quarters in Pakistan began
to discuss a major secret military action in Held Kashmir with an aim to cause
huge losses to India. Supporters of this operation viewed that its success
would arouse the Kashmiris to stand up against as it had happened in 1947 when
they did against the Dogra Maharaja Hari Singh.
Because the Kashmiris were
already furious over the theft of the Holy Hair, repeated curfews and the
arrests. But the operation also had a threat and the military and the civil
leadership was not closing its eyes to it. They were aware of the forceful
international reaction if Pak Army or the Azad Force crossed the Ceasefire
Line. Since Pakistan was also member of the US-led coalition SEATO and Cento
against Russia. Therefore it was likely to come under immense pressure at the
international level.
A fear also lurked about India taking the excuse of Pakistan's intrusion in Occupied Kashmir could attack Punjab and Sindh at the international border in addition to Kashmir. President Field Marshal Ayub Khan did not want an all-out open war with India. Commander-in-Chief Gen. Musa also supported his point of view. Gen. Musa blamed Z.A.Bhutto for secretly meeting with Gen. Malik and other army officers bypassing him.
Gen. Musa complained President
Ayub for checking Bhutto's secret meetings with the army officers. Secondly, he
asked for two years' time for limited action in Kashmir. He said Pak Army was
not prepared for any instant action in Kashmir. He cited two reasons for it. One
that the military strength of Pakistan was more than half of that India's. Secondly,
Pakistan bought foreign weapons while India had its own military industry.
So in case of war, India would be
in a better position. Against this narrative of Gen. Musa, Gen. Malik
propagated 'now or never' on Kashmir Malik said losing this opportunity meant
losing Kashmir forever. The final decision was with President Ayub Khan. Gen.
Ayub Khan well bore in mind the dangerous consequences of any action across the
Ceasefire Line. Therefore he was somewhat reluctant in allowing Operation in
Kashmir. But an incident totally changed his mind.
This incident easily agreed him
on action against India. In April 1965, the two armies had a fierce clash in Rann
of Kutch that on the border between Pakistan Sindh and Indian Gujrat province. Pakistan
troops captured Indian post Biyarbet and another across the border. It was a
glaring defeat to India. India not only failed to recapture its posts but also
took a defensive position and dared not open any other front. It was despite
threat by Indian PM Lal Bahadur Shastri to open new fronts against Pakistan. But
he failed to act upon his threat.
The Rann of Kutch defeat forced
India to agree on a new demarcation of the territory. As a result, 800 square
miles of Indian land was incorporated with Pakistan and it was till today. This
success against India gave a big heart to President Ayub. So he expected the
same lukewarm reaction from India if Pakistan would also act in Kashmir. That
India would not open the international front against Pakistan. On May 9, 1965
Gen. Malik wrote to the military command that an immediate approval of the
operation in Kashmir would enable him to launch guerilla operation within10
weeks by the start of August. That a delay in the approval would mean deferment
of the whole operation till May 1966.
Malik had written the letter on
May 9 and 6 days after that Gen. Ayub and Gen. Musa visited the headquarters of
the 12-Division in Murree. Gen. Malik briefed them on this operation after
which it was approved. It was named Operation Gibraltar that was to be executed
in 3 phases. In the first, guerrilla force was to enter Occupied Kashmir to
weaken the civil and military control of India. In the second phase, this force
was to help Kashmiris initiate armed struggle against India. In the 3rd, Pak
troops and Azad force were to march into Indian held Kashmir to get control
over this part. This had been planned. On May 17, General Akhtar Hussain Malik
ordered the force under his command to get ready for this operation. He also
asked the IB, ISI and MI for providing vital information about the targets in
the Occupied Kashmir. Preparations for the Operation Gibraltar were on full
swing.
The troops of Pak Army and the Azad Force were ready to cross the Ceasefire Line anytime. And they did it.
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